This accessible new textbook is the only introduction to linguistics in which each RALPH FASOLD is Professor Emeritus and past Chair of the Department of. Cambridge University Press. — An Introduction to Language and Linguistics. Edited by Ralph W. Fasold, Jeff Connor-Linton. Frontmatter. Edited by Ralph W. Fasold, Georgetown University, Washington DC, Jeff Connor-Linton, Georgetown University, Washington DC. Subjects: Language and Linguistics, English Language and Linguistics: General Interest. 6 - Child language acquisition.
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Read "An Introduction to Language and Linguistics" by Ralph Fasold available from Rakuten Kobo. Sign up today and get $5 off your first download. An Introduction to Language and Linguistics. Edited by. RALPH FASOLD. AND. JEFF CONNOR-LINTON. CAMBRIDGE. UNIVERSITY PRESS. An Introduction to Language and Linguistics - edited by Ralph W. Fasold September Ad. Do you want to read the rest of this article? Request full-text .
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James R. Language and Meaning in Cognitive Science. Andy Clark. Mind, Code and Context. Russell S Tomlin. Phonology for Communication Disorders. Martin J. English as a GloCalization Phenomenon. Observations from a Linguistic Microcosm. Gibson R. The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Analysis. Bernd Heine ; Heiko Narrog. Mira Ariel. And there is nothing that can be expressed in one language that cannot be expressed in any other.
Obviously, one language may have terms not found in another language, but it is always possible to invent new terms to express what we mean: anything we can imagine or think, we can express in any human language.
Turning to more abstract properties, even the formal structures of language are similar: all languages have sentences made up of smaller phrasal units, these units in turn being made up of words, which are themselves made up of sequences of sounds. All of these features of human language are so obvious to us that we may fail to see how surprising it is that languages share them.
When linguists use the term language, or natural human language, they are revealing their belief that at the abstract level, beneath the surface variation, languages are remarkably similar in form and function and conform to certain universal principles. In relation to what we have just said about universal principles, we should observe once again that most of the illustrative examples in this book are drawn from the English language.
This should not mislead you into supposing that what we say is relevant only to English. We will be introducing fundamental concepts of linguistics, and we believe that these have to be applicable to all languages. We have chosen English examples so that you can continually check our factual claims and decide whether they are empirically well founded. Linguistics, perhaps more than any other science, provides an opportunity for the student to participate in the research process.
To many linguists the ultimate aim of linguistics is not simply to understand how language itself is structured and how it functions. We hope that as we come to understand more about human language, we will correspondingly understand more about the processes of human thought. In this view the study of language is ultimately the study of the human mind.
There are many possible answers, and by focusing on some I do not, of course, mean to disparage others or question their legitimacy. One may, for example, simply be fascinated by the elements of language in themselves and want to discover their order and arrangement, their origin in history or in the individual, or the ways in which they are used in thought, in science or in art, or in normal social interchange. More intriguing, to me at least, is the possibility that by studying language we may discover abstract principles that govern its structure and use, principles that are universal by biological necessity and not mere historical accident, that derive from mental characteristics of the species.
A human language is a system of remarkable complexity. It is a product of human intelligence, created anew in each individual by operations that lie far beyond the reach of will or consciousness. Bibliography Chomsky, N. New York: Pantheon Books. Words play an integral role in the human ability to use language creatively. Far from being a static repository of memorized information, a human vocabulary is a dynamic system.
We can add words at will.
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We can even expand their meanings into new domains. How many words do we know? As it turns out, this is not an easy question to answer. Our vocabulary also has an open-endedness that contributes to our creative use of language. So again, how many words do we know? A typical highschool graduate knows about 60, words; a literate adult, perhaps twice that number. These names are all words you know.
In sum, anyone who has mastered a language has mastered an astonishingly long list of facts encoded in the form of words. The list of words for any language though not a complete list, as we will see is referred to as its lexicon. After all, when we hear others speaking our native language, we hear them uttering words.
In reading a printed passage, we see words on the page, neatly separated by spaces. But now imagine yourself in a situation where everyone around you is speaking a foreign language that you have just started to study. Suddenly the existence of words no longer seems obvious. While listening to a native speaker of French, or Navajo, or Japanese, all you hear is a blur of sound, as you strain to recognize words you have learned.
If only the native speaker would slow down a little the eternal complaint of the foreigner! The physical reality of speech is that for the most part the signal is continuous, with no breaks at all between the words.
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This ability would not be possible if you did not know and understand many properties associated with words. What do we know when we know a word? To put it another way, what kinds of information have we learned when we learn a word?
For every word we know, we have learned a pronunciation. Part of knowing the word tree is knowing certain sounds—more precisely, a certain sequence of sounds. Lexical structure information. For every word we have learned, we intuitively know something about its internal structure. For example, our intuitions tell us that the word tree cannot be broken down into any meaningful parts.
Syntactic information. For example, we know that the word reads can be used in a sentence like Mark reads the book, and the word readable related to the word read can be used in a sentence like The book is readable. Semantic information. For virtually every word we know, we have learned a meaning or several meanings.
Pragmatic information. For every word we learn, we know not only its meaning or meanings but also how to use it in the context of discourse or conversation. What a mess! For example, the word hello is used to greet, but it seems to have no meaning beyond that particular use.
In addition to being concerned with what we know when we know a word, linguists are interested in developing hypotheses that constitute plausible representations of this knowledge.
Do the dictionary entries represent what we know about words? For example, is the entry for the word baker a good representation of what we know about that word? A social gathering at which baked food is served. There is no other entry for baker where this information is given.
The meaning of the noun is somehow related to the meaning of the verb, but what exactly is the nature of this relationship? The dictionary does not specify. Intuitively we know that a baker is someone who bakes and not, for example, the thing that gets baked; yet again, the dictionary does not represent how or why we pick one option rather than the other.
Thus, weave, v. This is counterintuitive, however. How novel words behave cannot be accounted for. Besides the types of information outlined here—information that we assume any native speaker must have learned about a word in order to know it—there are other aspects of words that linguists study, which may or may not be known to native speakers.
For example, words and their uses are subject to variation across groups of speakers. In American English the word bonnet can be used to refer to a type of hat; in British English it can be used to refer, as well, to the hood of a car.
Words and their uses are also subject to variation over time.
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First we will introduce certain basic concepts of morphology. What are the basic building blocks in the formation of complex words? How are more complex words built up from simpler parts? How is the meaning of a complex word related to the meaning of its parts? How are individual words of a language related to other words of the language?
Once we begin to construct plausible answers, we quickly discover that interesting and subtle new problems arise, which lead us to revise those answers.
There is no necessary reason why the particular combination of sounds represented by the word brother should mean what it does. It is true that every language contains onomatopoeic words i.
But such words form a very limited subset of the words of any given language; for the vast majority of words the sound-meaning pairing is arbitrary. First, it does not distinguish between words and phrases or sentences, which are also derivatively arbitrary pairings of sound and meaning. Second, a word such as it in a sentence such as It is snowing has no meaning.
The word is simply a placeholder for the subject position of the sentence. Therefore, not all sound sequences are words, and not all sound sequences that native speakers would identify as words have a meaning. In the next section we will consider initial answers to the second question on the list, What are the basic building blocks in the formation of complex words?
A simple word such as tree seems to be a minimal unit; there seems to be no way to analyze it, or break it down further, into meaningful parts.
On the other hand, the word trees is made up of two parts: the noun tree and the plural ending, spelled -s in this case. However, for nouns such as those in 1 , and others of this large class, we can say that complex plural forms such as trees are made up of a simple noun such as tree followed by the plural ending -s.
Each of the plural nouns listed in 1 is made up of two morphemes: a base morpheme such as boy or rake, and a plural morpheme, -s, which is attached to the base morpheme. The meaning of each plural form listed in 1 is a combination, in some intuitive sense, of the meaning of the base morpheme and the meaning of the plural morpheme -s.
For example, -ceive in the word receive does not have an independent meaning, and yet it is recognizable as a unit occurring in other words e. In short, we will say that morphemes are the minimal units of word building in a language; they cannot be broken down any further into recognizable or meaningful parts. The process of distinguishing the morphemes in the continuous stream of sound can sometimes lead to a novel morpheme analysis.
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Consider the following words: 2 a nadder a norange a napron! A similar reanalysis may be taking place again, but the other way around. On encountering this plural, English speakers—applying what they knew about English plural formation, in reverse—analyzed the singular as tamale.
The singular in Spanish is, in fact, tamal. A free morpheme can stand alone as an independent word in a phrase, such as the word tree in John sat in the tree. A bound morpheme cannot stand alone but must be attached to another morpheme—as, for example, the plural morpheme -s, which can only occur attached to nouns, or cran-, which must be combined with berry or, more recently, with apple, grape, or some other fruit.
A base morpheme may be free like tree; tree is thus both a free morpheme and a free base or bound like cran-. To sum up, then, we have seen that words fall into two general classes: simple and complex. Simple words are single free morphemes that cannot be broken down further into recognizable or meaningful parts. Complex words consist of two or more morphemes in combination. Grammatical Categories Parts of Speech Each word belongs to a grammatical category.
Though there are exceptions—for instance, irregular plurals children and not childs and mass nouns rice and not rices —most nouns can be plural- 20 Chapter 2 ized in this fashion, whereas a word such as famous cannot be.Labov's work, and that of his followers, has mostly concentrated on speech and social group membership correlations and language change, al- though recent attention has been given to social networks, first stressed by Mil- roy site Inspire Digital Educational Resources.
Ray S. Keith Allan. This item: This chapter also covers the language- thought relationship, articulated early on by Sapir and Whorf. Robert J. There was a problem filtering reviews right now.
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